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Syria of a despot by Elliott Abrams

Syria of a despot
By Elliott Abrams, Friday, March 25
While  the monarchies of the Middle East have a fighting chance to reform
and survive,  the region’s fake republics have been falling like dominoes —
and Syria is next.

The ingredients that brought down Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia were 
replicated in Egypt and Libya: repression, vast corruption and family rule.
All  are starkly present in Syria, where the succession Egyptians and Tunisi
ans  feared, father to son, took place years ago and the police state has
claimed  thousands of victims. Every Arab “republic” has been a republic of
fear, but  only Saddam Hussein’s Iraq surpassed the Assads’ Syria in number
of victims. The  regime may cling to power for a while by shooting
protesting citizens, but its  ultimate demise is certain.

The Arab monarchies, especially Jordan and Morocco, are more legitimate 
than the false republics, with their stolen elections, regime-dominated courts
and rubber-stamp parliaments. Unlike the “republics,” the monarchies do
not have  histories of bloody repression and jails filled with political
prisoners. The  question is whether the kings, emirs and sheiks will end their
corruption and  shift toward genuine constitutional monarchies in which power
is shared between  throne and people.

For the “republics,” however, reform is impossible. Force is the only way 
to stay in power. When Bashar al-Assad inherited power in 2000, there was 
widespread hope of a Damascus Spring — an end to the bloody repression that 
characterized the rule of his father, Hafez (which reached its apex in
1982,  when he had an estimated 25,000 protesters in Hama killed). Bashar, the
thinking  went, had lived in London and wanted to modernize Syria. But when
he had himself  “elected” president with 97.2 percent of the vote, the
writing was on the wall.  Some still suggested that Bashar’s hoped-for reforms
were held back by hard-line  forces around him, but over time, his
consolidation of personal power , the  growing number of Syrian political prisoners and
murders in Lebanon made this  excuse obscene. The U.N. special tribunal may
find the Assad regime, Hezbollah  or both guilty of the 2005 murder of
former Lebanese prime minister Rafiq  Hariri. The car-bomb killings of Lebanese
journalists and politicians who  criticized the Syrian regime have one
address: Assad’s palace.

The demise of this murderous clan is in America’s interest. The Assad 
regime made Syria the pathway for jihadists from around the world to enter Iraq 
to fight and kill Americans. Long a haven for terrorists, Syria still
allows the  Hamas leadership, among other Palestinian terrorist groups, to live
and work in  Damascus. Moreover, a government dominated by Syria’s Sunni
majority — the Assad  clan is from the tiny Alawite minority — would never have
the close relations  with Hezbollah and Iran that Assad maintains; it would
seek to reintegrate into  the Arab world. Iran will lose its close Arab
ally, and its land bridge to  Hezbollah, when Assad falls.

Since the wave of Mideast revolts has spread to Syria, Assad is responding 
the only way he knows: by killing. What should be our response?

First, the strongest and most frequent denunciations, preferably not only 
from the White House but also from people such as Sen. John Kerry, who has 
repeatedly visited Assad and spoken of improving relations with his regime.
All  those who were taken in by Assad should be loudest in denouncing his
bloody  repression.

Second, we should prosecute Syria in every available multilateral forum, 
including the U.N. Security Council and the Human Rights Council. Others
should  refer Assad to the International Criminal Court. With blood flowing,
there  should be no delays; this is the moment to call for special sessions and
action  to prevent more killing. Even if these bodies do not act, the
attention should  give heart to Syrian demonstrators.

Third, we should ask the new governments in Egypt and Tunisia to 
immediately call Arab League sessions to debate the violence in Syria. Libya was 
expelled; let’s demand that Syria be, too.

Fourth, press the Europeans to speak and act against Syria’s regime. U.S. 
sanctions against Syria are strong and probably cannot be increased
effectively  now, but the European Union has far more trade and investment. The
French have  spoken out and may be willing to take the lead again.

None of these steps will bring down Assad’s regime; only the courage of 
young Syrians can do that. But we must not repeat the wavering and delays that
characterized the U.S. response in Egypt. We must be clear that we view
Syria’s  despicable regime as unsalvageable, which suggests a fifth step:
recalling the  American ambassador from Syria. The Obama administration erred
badly by sending  an envoy — in a recess appointment — for this move was
understood in the region  as a reduction of U.S. pressure on Syria despite its
increasingly dominant role  in Lebanon. We should pull our ambassador, as we
did in Libya, and unveil a  hard-hitting political and human rights campaign
against a bloody regime whose  people want it gone. Our principles alone
should lead us to this position, but  the memory of thousands of American
soldiers killed in Iraq with the help of the  Assad regime demands that we do
all we can to help the Syrian people free  themselves of that evil

The writer, a senior fellow for Middle Eastern studies at the Council on 
Foreign Relations, was a deputy national security adviser to President George
W.  Bush.


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